politscienceПолитическая наукаPolitical science1998-1775ИНИОН РАН10.31249/poln/2024.04.12politscience-1002Research ArticleПЕРВАЯ СТЕПЕНЬДифференциации идеологий в политическом поле США: реконструкция на основе модели К. МангеймаK. Mannheim’s model for differentiation of ideologies in reconstructing the field of U.S. politicsГаспарянС. А.GasparyanS. A.

Гаспарян Симон Ашотович, преподаватель кафедры английского языка № 6 

Москва 

Gasparyan Semen A.

Moscow 

s.gasparian@my.mgimo.ruМосковский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) Министерства иностранных дел Российской ФедерацииРоссияMGIMO UniversityRussian Federation20242911202404Массовая культура и политика286308Copyright © Гаспарян С.А., 20242024Гаспарян С.А.Gasparyan S.A.Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1002

В статье с позиций теории К. Мангейма рассматривается динамика политических идеологий в США в период с 2000 г. по настоящее время. В модели Мангейма акцентируется диалектический характер взаимоотношения идеологий, подразумевающий, что все основные идеологические картины действительности выстраиваются как взаимозависимые противоположения, и политические идеологии фактически складываются как различные комбинации выборов между наборами противопоставленных представлений: управление против политики, «рациональная» политика против «волевой», возможность выбора против детерминированности, статичность против преобразования. Важным моментом подхода Мангейма, отличающим ее от марксистского понимания идеологии, выступает то, что она допускает возможность стабилизации идеологического спектра при либеральном политическом режиме без его схлопывания в диктатуру – неизбежное развитие событий с марксистской точки зрения. В пользу приложения мангеймовской модели к идеологической палитре современной американской политики можно привести два аргумента. Во-первых, она способна дать новый уровень понимания политического конфликта в США с точки зрения взаимосвязанности образующих его идейных позиций, и, в частности, продемонстрировать взаимосвязь между усилением американского националистического движения и ростом социалистического. Во-вторых, эта попытка позволяет оценить выдвинутую Мангеймом диалектическую модель с точки зрения ее применимости в отрыве от исторических обстоятельств, в которых она сложилась. И по итогам исследования можно отметить, что мангеймовская модель фактически предсказывает основные линии напряжения – те, которые возникают между современными американскими либералами и консерваторами (конституционные реформы против неприкосновенности конституции), умеренными республиканцами и радикальными трампистами (сохранение против активного реформирования), умеренными демократами и социалистическим крылом демпартии (сохранение спектра различных взглядов против однонаправленных преобразований).

The article examines the dynamics of political ideologies in the United States from 2000 to the present from the perspective of K. Mannheim’s theory. Mannheim’s model emphasizes the dialectical nature of the relationship between ideologies, implying that all major ideological pictures of reality are constructed as interdependent oppositions: government versus politics, politics of rationality versus politics of volition, choice versus predetermination, stasis versus change. An important aspect of Mannheim’s approach that distinguishes it from the Marxist understanding of ideology is that it allows for the possibility of stabilization of the ideological spectrum under a liberal political regime without its collapse into a dictatorship – an inevitable development from a Marxist perspective. Two arguments can be brought forward in favor of the application of Mannheim’s model to the ideological palette of contemporary American politics. Firstly, it can give a new understanding of the political conflict in the United States from the point of view of the interconnectedness of the ideological positions, and in particular demonstrate the connections between the strengthening of the American nationalist movement with the growth of the socialist one? Secondly, this attempt allows us to evaluate the dialectical model put forward by Mannheim from the point of view of its applicability in isolation from the historical circumstances in which it developed. And based on the results of the study, it can be noted that Mannheim’s model predicts the main lines of tension – those that arise between modern American liberals and conservatives (constitutional reform versus the immutability of the constitution), moderate Republicans and radical Trumpists (conservation vs. active reform), moderate Democrats and the socialist wing of the Democratic Party (conservation of a spectrum of different views vs. unidirectional transformation). Mannheim’s model also allows us to identify quite precisely the groups that serve as the main driving force of these currents: old elites for moderate conservatives, the new bourgeoisie for liberals, intellectuals for socialists, and marginalized groups for right-wing radical currents.

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The authors declare that there are no conflicts of interest present.