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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2024.02.07</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-1079</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>РАКУРСЫ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Экономическое измерение многополярного мира: о чем говорят показатели ВВП</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Economic dimensions of the multipolar world: what do GDP figures really tell</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Афонцев</surname><given-names>С. А.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Afontsev</surname><given-names>S. A.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Афонцев Сергей Александрович, доктор экономических наук, член-корреспондент РАН, профессор Кафедры мировых политических процессов; заместитель директора</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Sergey Afontsev</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">afontsev@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный институт международных отношений (университет) Министерства иностранных дел Российской Федерации; ИМЭМО РАН<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">MGIMO University; IMEMO RAS<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2024</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>27</day><month>05</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Меняющиеся мировые порядки</issue-title><fpage>151</fpage><lpage>170</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Афонцев С.А., 2024</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Афонцев С.А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Afontsev S.A.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1079">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1079</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье исследуются возможности оценки экономической мощи субъектов международных отношений с использованием показателей валового внутреннего продукта (ВВП). Продемонстрировано, что сопоставления рассчитанных по текущему валютному курсу национальных показателей ВВП создают ложные основания для аргументов в пользу построения биполярного (США и КНР) миропорядка, в то время как расчет показателей ВВП по паритету покупательной способности (ППС) обеспечивает существенно более реалистичную картину распределения экономической мощи в глобальном масштабе. Идентифицированы три кластера национальных и наднациональных субъектов международных отношений, обладающих экономическим потенциалом, достаточным для участия в формировании нового многополярного миропорядка, и охарактеризованы возможности каждого из этих субъектов в сфере использования данного потенциала для решения значимых мирополитических целей. К первому кластеру относятся «экономические сверхгиганты» – КНР, США и ЕС; ко второму – «восходящие звезды» в лице Индии и АСЕАН, к третьему – экономики с долей в глобальном ВВП по ППС ниже 4%, большинство из которых на протяжении последних десятилетий демонстрировали деградацию (или стагнацию) своих позиций в мировой экономике. Oхарактеризованы глобально значимые вопросы, по которым возможно складывание широких коалиций с участием рассмотренных международных субъектов. Вхождение в эти коалиции является принципиально важным не только для ограниченных в ресурсах субъектов, относящихся ко второму и третьему кластерам, но и для «экономических сверхгигантов», вовлеченных в противостояние друг с другом и заинтересованных в поисках союзников. Проведен анализ сравнительной экономической мощи Российской Федерации и сформулированы выводы относительно его использования для успешной защиты российских национальных интересов во взаимодействии с другими субъектами международных отношений, претендующими на ведущие роли в формировании многополярного миропорядка. Определены условия, при которых экономический потенциал Российской Федерации и Евразийского экономического союза может быть использован для их оптимального позиционирования в новой системе управления глобальными экономическими и политическими процессами.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article discusses strengths and weaknesses of using gross domestic product (GDP) data as a measure of economic power in international relations. It is argued that country comparisons based on GDP figures calculated with current exchange rates provide biased results that can be unduly used to substantiate the idea of the new bipolar (USA vs. China) world order. In contrast, GDP calculations based on purchasing power parity (PPP) provide much more realistic and balanced picture. Three groups of countries and regional blocks are identified on the basis of their economic potential that can be used to grant them leading positions in the emerging global order. The first group consists of ‘economic supergiants’ (China, US, EU); India and ASEAN with rapidly growing economies follow as members of the second group, while the third group is comprised of economies with less than 4 per cent (and mostly declining or stagnant) individual shares in global GDP. Key issues of global economic and political rivalry where coalition formation among the global national and subnational players are listed. Economic power of the Russian Federation is discussed in comparative perspective as well as opportunities to join national economic potential with partner countries to expand control over the global agenda.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>Многополярный мир</kwd><kwd>глобальный миропорядок</kwd><kwd>экономическая мощь</kwd><kwd>экономический потенциал</kwd><kwd>ВВП</kwd><kwd>международные коалиции</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>multipolar world</kwd><kwd>new global order</kwd><kwd>economic power</kwd><kwd>economic potential</kwd><kwd>GDP</kwd><kwd>international coalitions</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group xml:lang="ru"><funding-statement>Статья подготовлена в рамках консорциума МГИМО МИД России и НИУ ВШЭ из средств гранта на реализацию программы стратегического академического лидерства «Приоритет-2030».</funding-statement></funding-group><funding-group xml:lang="en"><funding-statement>This article is based on the research supported by the MGIMO University and the HSE University consortium with grant funds of the 'Priority2030' strategic academic leadership program.</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Афонцев С.А. 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