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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2024.02.08</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-1080</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>РАКУРСЫ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Влияние информационно-коммуникационных технологий на политическую стабильность в меняющемся мире: кросс-страновой количественный анализ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The impact of information and communication technologies on political stability in a changing world: cross-country quantitative analysis</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Беленков</surname><given-names>В. Е.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Belenkov</surname><given-names>V. E.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Беленков Вадим Евгеньевич, аспирант, младший научный сотрудник, преподаватель Департамента политики и управления</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Belenkov Vadim</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">vbelenkov@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Конча</surname><given-names>В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Koncha</surname><given-names>V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Конча Валерия, аспирант, преподаватель Департамента политики и управления</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Koncha Valeriya</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">vkoncha@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Ахременко</surname><given-names>А. С.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Akhremenko</surname><given-names>A. S.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Ахременко Андрей Сергеевич, профессор Департамента политики и управления</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Akhremenko Andrei</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">aakhremenko@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>HSE University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2024</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>27</day><month>05</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Меняющиеся мировые порядки</issue-title><fpage>171</fpage><lpage>192</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Беленков В.Е., Конча В., Ахременко А.С., 2024</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Беленков В.Е., Конча В., Ахременко А.С.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Belenkov V.E., Koncha V., Akhremenko A.S.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1080">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1080</self-uri><abstract><p>Развитие и распространение интернета в последние десятилетия стало одним из важнейших глобальных процессов, охватившим все регионы мира. Как все процессы такого масштаба, он создает сложную систему возможностей и рисков на всех уровнях. В этой работе мы фокусируемся на таком ее измерении, как риски для внутренней стабильности государств, порождаемые массовыми протестными движениями. Государства с разными политическими режимами связывают с распространением интернета угрозу стабильности внутреннего политического порядка, о чем свидетельствует общемировая тенденция наращивания усилий по политически мотивированному цензурированию Глобальной сети. Какой из этих процессов – рост координационных и информационных возможностей протестных движений или возрастающее государственное влияние на глобальную сеть – оказывает большее воздействие на протестую активность? И каково это воздействие? Для ответа на эти вопросы мы предприняли количественное исследование пространственно-временной выборки по 160 странам за период с 1990 по 2019 г. Ключевыми независимыми переменными стали уровни проникновения (данные Всемирного банка) и государственного цензурирования (V-Dem) интернета, зависимой переменной – максимальная численность протестующих за год (Mass Mobilization Project). Результаты порядковой логистической регрессии показали, что более важную роль в связке между информационно-коммуникационными технологиями и масштабами уличной протестной активности играет не проникновение интернета само по себе, а ответ государства на развитие интернет-технологий. И эта связь нелинейна, она обладает квадратичной n-формой. Максимальная численность протестующих достигается хотя и при высоком, но все же не при максимальном уровне свободы интернета; вместе с тем тотальная цензура действительно устойчиво связана с отсутствием уличной протестной мобилизации. Выявленная закономерность прослеживается как на всем массиве данных, так и внутри каждой из трех основных хронологических эпох развития интернета: 1995–2005, 2006–2015, 2016–2019 гг.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The development and spread of the Internet in recent decades have become one of the most important global processes covering all regions of the world. Like all processes of this scale, it creates a complex system of opportunities and risks at all levels. In this work, the authors focus on such a dimension as the risks to the internal stability of states generated by mass protest movements. States with different political regimes associate the spread of the Internet with a threat to the stability of the internal political order, as evidenced by the global trend of increasing efforts to organize politically motivated censorship of the Internet content. Which of these processes – growing coordination and information capabilities of protest movements or increasing state influence on the global network – has a greater impact on protest activity? And what direction does this impact have? In order to answer these questions, the authors undertook a quantitative study of a panel data on 160 countries in 1990–2019. The key independent variables were the levels of Internet penetration (World Bank data) and state Internet censorship (V-Dem), the dependent variable was the maximum number of protesters per year (Mass Mobilization Project). The results of ordinal logistic regression demonstrate that there was not the Internet penetration per se, but the state’s response to the development of Internet technologies plays the most important role in the relationship between information and communication technologies and the scale of street protest activity. This relationship is nonlinear, it has a quadratic n-shape. The maximum number of protesters is achieved, although at a high, but still not at the maximum level of Internet freedom from censorship. At the same time, total censorship is indeed robustly associated with the absence of street protest mobilization. The identified pattern can be traced both within the full dataset and within each of the three main chronological eras of the development of the Internet: 1995–2005, 2006–2015, and 2016–2019.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>информационно-коммуникационные технологии</kwd><kwd>проникновение интернета</kwd><kwd>политический протест</kwd><kwd>цензура интернета</kwd><kwd>кросс-страновой анализ</kwd><kwd>порядковая логистическая регрессия</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>information and communication technologies</kwd><kwd>Internet penetration</kwd><kwd>political protest</kwd><kwd>Internet censorship</kwd><kwd>cross-national analysis</kwd><kwd>ordinal logistic regression</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><funding-statement xml:lang="ru">Исследование выполнено за счет гранта Российского научного фонда № 20-18-00274, https://rscf.ru/project/20-18-00274/, Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики».</funding-statement><funding-statement xml:lang="en">This research is supported by the Russian Science Foundation grant No. 20-18-00274, https://rscf.ru/en/project/20-18-00274/, HSE University.</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Эмпирические вызовы и методологические подходы в сравнительной политологии (сквозь призму «Политического атласа современного мира 2.0») / А.Ю. 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