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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2024.03.02</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-1116</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СОСТОЯНИЕ ДИСЦИПЛИНЫ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Power-sharing и управление этнической гетерогенностью в парламентских и президентских системах</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Power-sharing and managing ethnic heterogeneity in parliamentary and presidential systems</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Панов</surname><given-names>П. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Panov</surname><given-names>P. V.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Панов Петр Вячеславович, доктор политических наук, главный научный сотрудник отдела по исследованию политических институтов и процессов</p><p>Пермь</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Panov Petr</p><p>Perm</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">panov.petr@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Пермский федеральный исследовательский центр УрО РАН, Институт гуманитарных исследований УрО РАН<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Perm Federal Research Center, Ural Branch, RAS<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2024</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>29</day><month>08</month><year>2024</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title>Парламентаризм в современном мире</issue-title><fpage>43</fpage><lpage>65</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Панов П.В., 2024</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2024</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Панов П.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Panov P.V.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1116">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1116</self-uri><abstract><p>Power-sharing – такое политическое институциональное устройство, при котором устойчиво воспроизводится совместное участие разных политических сегментов общества в осуществлении власти. Хотя изначально идея power-sharing была связана с концепцией консоциативной демократии, со временем она вышла за рамки консоциативного подхода. В данной статье пред ставлен сравнительный обзор эмпирических случаев power-sharing, в президентских и парламентских системах правления. Классифицируя power-sharing по двум критериям (тип партий и закрепление правительственных позиций за этнически ми сегментами), можно выделить четыре модели. В парламентских системах чаще встречается модель, наиболее близкая корпоративному консоциализму, когда через этнические партии правительственные позиции закреплены за определенными этнополитическими сегментами. В президентских системах, напротив, преобладает центрипеталистский подход к power-sharing, здесь доступ сегментов к правительственной власти обеспечивается через межэтнические партии без жесткого закрепления правительственных позиций. Эти взаимосвязи, однако, отнюдь не жесткие. Что касается конкретных механизмов реализации power-sharing, существенной разницы между парламентскими и президентскими системами не прослеживается, за исключением тех механизмов, которые вытекают из принципиальных различий между ними. С точки зрения долгосрочного управления этнической гетерогенностью power-sharing можно считать эффективным институциональным устройством тогда, когда оно воспроизводится достаточно длительное время, и именно его механизмы становятся конвенциональными каналами регулирования противоречий между этнополитическими сегментами, позволяя избегать острых кризисов и конфликтов. Под этим углом зрения лишь менее половины из рассмотренных случаев power-sharing демонстрируют эффективность, и это не зависит ни от системы правления, ни от институциональных моделей power-sharing.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Power-sharing is a political institutional arrangement in which the joint participation of the representatives of different political segments of society in government is consistently reproduced. Although the idea of power-sharing was initially associated with the concept of consociational democracy, over time it has expanded beyond the consociational approach. The article is devoted to a comparative overview of empirical cases of power-sharing in presidential and parliamentary systems of government. Classifying power-sharing according to two criteria (type of parties and assignment of government positions to ethnic segments), four models can be distinguished. In parliamentary systems, the model closest to corporate consociationalism, when government positions are assigned to certain ethno-political segments through their parties, is more common. In presidential systems, on the contrary, a centripetal approach to power-sharing prevails; here, access of segments to power is ensured through interethnic parties without a strict assignment of government positions. These dependencies, however, are by no means rigid, since in all institutional models of power-sharing, countries with both parliamentary and presidential systems are found. As for the specific mechanisms of power-sharing implementation, there are no significant differences between parliamentary and presidential systems, with the exception of those mechanisms that arise from the fundamental differences between them. In terms of long-term managing ethnic heterogeneity, only less than half of the cases of power-sharing examined demonstrate effectiveness, and this does not depend on either the system of government or the institutional models of power-sharing.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>power-sharing</kwd><kwd>этническая гетерогенность</kwd><kwd>парламентская система</kwd><kwd>президентская система</kwd><kwd>консоциализм</kwd><kwd>центрипетализм</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>power-sharing</kwd><kwd>ethnic heterogeneity</kwd><kwd>parliamentary system</kwd><kwd>presidential system</kwd><kwd>consociationalism</kwd><kwd>centripetalism</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group xml:lang="ru"><funding-statement>Исследование выполнено за счет гранта Российского научного фонда № 23-18-00530</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Зазнаев О.И. 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