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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2026.01.09</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-1298</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ИДЕИ И ПРАКТИКА</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Успехи правых популистов в Европе в условиях различных избирательных систем</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The success of right-wing populists in Europe under different electoral systems</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><contrib-id contrib-id-type="orcid">https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8527-8818</contrib-id><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Любарев</surname><given-names>А. Е.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Lyubarev</surname><given-names>A. E.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Любарев Аркадий Ефимович - кандидат юридических наук, независимый исследователь.</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Arkadii E. Lyubarev - independent researcher.</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">lyubarev@yandex.ru</email></contrib></contrib-group><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2026</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>15</day><month>03</month><year>2026</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>1</issue><issue-title>Изменения в электоральном ландшафте: структурные и институциональные факторы</issue-title><fpage>187</fpage><lpage>210</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Любарев А.Е., 2026</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2026</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Любарев А.Е.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Lyubarev A.E.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1298">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/1298</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье обсуждается роль избирательной системы в успехе на выборах праворадикальных популистских партий. В качестве примеров выбраны Швеция (пропорциональная система с открытыми списками), Германия (смешанная связанная система), Франция (мажоритарная система абсолютного большинства) и Великобритания (плюральная система). Исследуются итоги голосования и результаты выборов в национальные парламенты этих стран и в Европейский парламент, в случае Германии также выборов в ландтаги, а в случае Франции также президентских выборов. Речь идет о партиях «Шведские демократы», «Альтернатива для Германии», «Национальный фронт» / «Национальное объединение», Партия независимости Соединенного Королевства и партия «Реформировать Соединенное Королевство». Эти партии возникли в разное время и имеют много существенных различий, тем не менее, резкий рост их поддержки на выборах пришелся примерно на один период – 2014–2018 гг. Подтверждается представление, согласно которому мажоритарные системы (плюральная и мажоритарная абсолютного большинства) препятствуют радикальным партиям в получении большого числа мандатов и занижают их представительство относительно уровня их электоральной поддержки, в то время как пропорциональная система позволяет им получить мандаты, соответствующие уровню их поддержки. Плюральная система также препятствует получению партией, не относящейся к двум основным, значительной поддержки избирателей благодаря «тактическому» голосованию. Однако эти институциональные особенности не могут остановить рост поддержки радикальных партий, обусловленный социальными и политическими факторами. А после того как их поддержка достигает 20–30%, эти же особенности начинают работать в их пользу.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article discusses the role of the electoral system in the electoral success of right-wing populist parties. Sweden (proportional system with open lists), Germany (mixed linked system), France (majority system of absolute majority) and the United Kingdom (plurality system) are selected as examples. The results of the voting and the results of the elections to the national parliaments of these countries and to the European Parliament, in the case of Germany, as well as the elections to the landtags, and in the case of France, as well as the presidential elections, are being studied. We are talking about the parties the Swedish Democrats, Alternative for Germany, the National Front / National Unification, the United Kingdom Independence Party and the Reform the United Kingdom party. These parties arose at different times and have many significant differences, however, a sharp increase in their support in the elections occurred approximately in the same period, namely 2014–2018. It confirms the view that majority systems (plurality and majority-majority) prevent radical parties from obtaining a large number of mandates and underestimate their representation relative to the level of their electoral support, while the proportional system allows them to obtain mandates corresponding to their level of support. The plurality system also prevents a party that does not belong to the two main parties from gaining significant electoral support through “tactical” voting. However, these institutional features cannot stop the growth of support for radical parties due to social and political factors. And after their support reaches 20–30%, the same features begin to work in their favor.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>выборы</kwd><kwd>избирательные системы</kwd><kwd>политические партии</kwd><kwd>Швеция</kwd><kwd>Германия</kwd><kwd>Франция</kwd><kwd>Великобритания</kwd><kwd>Европарламент</kwd><kwd>правый популизм</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>elections</kwd><kwd>electoral systems</kwd><kwd>political parties</kwd><kwd>Sweden</kwd><kwd>Germany</kwd><kwd>France</kwd><kwd>Great Britain</kwd><kwd>European Parliament</kwd><kwd>right-wing populism</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Берлявский Л.Г. Сравнительное избирательное право: монография. – М.: Юрлитинформ, 2013. – 240 с.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Soresku A. (coordinator) 25+2 electoral models. I. Electoral Systems. 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