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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-355</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>СОСТОЯНИЕ ДИСЦИПЛИНЫ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>КАК И ПОЧЕМУ «ЗАВИСАЮТ» ДЕМОКРАТИЧЕСКИЕ ТРАНЗИТЫ? ПОСТКОММУНИСТИЧЕСКИЕ УРОКИ</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>How do transitions to democracy get stuck and where? Lessons from post-communism</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Макаренко</surname><given-names>Борис Игоревич</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Makarenko</surname><given-names>B. I.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">bmakarenko@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Мельвиль</surname><given-names>Андрей Юрьевич</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Melville</surname><given-names>A. Y.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">amelville@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">НИУ ВШЭ<country>Россия</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2014</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>11</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title>Посткоммунистические трансформации: Политические институты и процессы</issue-title><fpage>9</fpage><lpage>39</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Макаренко Б.И., Мельвиль А.Ю., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Макаренко Б.И., Мельвиль А.Ю.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Makarenko B.I., Melville A.Y.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/355">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/355</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье предпринимается попытка анализа и сравнения роли и влияния условий и действий (т.е. основных структурных и процедурных факторов) на результаты «зависших» и провалившихся демократических транзитов последних двух десятилетий. Выборка состоит из 29 посткоммунистических стран, включая Монголию, которые за это время продемонстрировали различные траектории политических трансформаций, повлекшие за собой разные режимные результаты. Авторов более всего интересуют страновые казусы, остановившиеся в демократизации, дрейфующие в «серой зоне» или демонстрирующие новые авторитарные тенденции.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article analyzes the role and impact of preconditions and policies (structure and agency) on the failed, derailed transitions to democracy over the last two decades. The primary set of countries consists of 29 post-communist countries, including Mongolia, all of which during this period pursued different transformation trajectories leading to different regime outcomes. The authors are mostly interested in cases which did not result in the emergence of consolidated democracies but drifted into the so-called grey zone or regressed into new types of autocracies.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>демократизация</kwd><kwd>посткоммунизм</kwd><kwd>гибридный режим</kwd><kwd>авторитаризм</kwd><kwd>Центральная Азия</kwd><kwd>Закавказье</kwd><kwd>Восточная Европа</kwd><kwd>democratization</kwd><kwd>post-communist</kwd><kwd>hybrid regime</kwd><kwd>authoritarianism</kwd><kwd>Central Asia</kwd><kwd>Transcaucasia</kwd><kwd>Eastern Europe</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Петров Н. Обилие слабого государства // Pro et Contra. - М., 2011. - Т. 15, № 5. - С. 51-66.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Петров Н. 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