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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2019.03.07</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-712</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>КОНТЕКСТ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Статус и международные изменения: Российские уроки</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>How Can Russia Contribute to our Understanding of Change in World Politics?</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Крикович</surname><given-names>Андрей</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Krickovic</surname><given-names>A. .</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">akrickovic@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики» (ВШЭ)<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">National Research University Higher School of Economics<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2019</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>12</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title>Власть, мощь и влияние государств в мировой политике</issue-title><fpage>175</fpage><lpage>199</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Крикович А..., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Крикович А.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Krickovic A...</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/712">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/712</self-uri><abstract><p>Дважды за последние 25 лет действия СССР и России приводили к принципиальным изменениям в международных отношениях. Оба раза статус играл решающую роль в качестве катализатора этих исторических изменений. Необходима эволюционная теория изменений в международных отношениях, способная объединить исторические первопричины изменений и их непосредственные причины в одной объяснительной рамке. И в период окончания холодной войны, и сегодня исторические первопричины изменений ограничили число возможных стратегий для руководства России. Но определяющую роль в окончательном выборе внешнеполитического курса играли соображения, связанные со статусом. Исторические процессы были первопричиной изменений, а связанные со статусом соображения и неудовлетворенность им стали непосредственными причинами последовавших перемен.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Twice over the last 25 years, the USSR and Russia’s actions have been a major catalyst for change in international politics. Gorbachev and his fellow New Thinkers adopted unprecedented concessions that dismantled the Soviet Empire and brought an end to the Cold War. Contemporary Russian leaders are undertaking a risky challenge to US global leadership that signals an end to post-Cold War US dominance and the beginning of an era of unprecedented global disorder. Existing paradigms have had a difficult time accounting for Soviet/Russian behavior and integrating it into their larger theories about change in international politics. This is partly because they have ignored the important role that status considerations have played in Soviet and Russian decision making. But it also reflects larger shortcomings in the way that these paradigms approach the issue of change. What is needed is an evolutionary theory of change that is able to integrate driving historical (root) causes of change with proximate and contingent ones. In both of these cases, larger historical forces have pushed the international system towards change, limiting the choices available to Russian leaders. Yet it has been status considerations that have determined the actual policy choices Soviet and Russian leaders have made. While larger historical forces have been the root cause behind change, status aspirations and status dissatisfaction have been the proximate causes catalyzing change and moving it forward.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>статус</kwd><kwd>международные отношения</kwd><kwd>«новое мышление»</kwd><kwd>холодная война</kwd><kwd>изменения международной системы</kwd><kwd>status</kwd><kwd>international relationship</kwd><kwd>«New thinking»</kwd><kwd>cold war</kwd><kwd>changes in the international system</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Безруков А., Сушенцов А. 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