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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2019.04.08</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-724</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>Статьи</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Эффекты института президентства в этнокультурно разнородных обществах: случай Турции</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The effects of presidency in ethno-culturally diverse states: the case of Turkey</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Харитонова</surname><given-names>Оксана Геннадьевна</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Kharitonova</surname><given-names>O. G.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><email xlink:type="simple">o.haritonova@inno.mgimo.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">ФУП МГИМО (университет) МИД РФ<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">MGIMO university<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2019</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>12</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>4</issue><issue-title>Институт президентства в современном мире</issue-title><fpage>38</fpage><lpage>67</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Харитонова О.Г., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Харитонова О.Г.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Kharitonova O.G.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/724">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/724</self-uri><abstract><p>В статье рассмотрены основные теоретические подходы в области управления этнокультурной разнородностью в разделенных обществах - консоционализм и центрипетализм. Через призму этих подходов анализируются системы распределения власти в обществе - президентские, парламентские и полупрезидентские. На примере Турции автор показывает, что для управления этнокультурной разнородностью новые государства могут выбирать национализаторскую политику, предполагающую ассимиляцию меньшинства. Данная политика привела к политизации этничности, межэтническим конфликтам и этническому терроризму. Ни одна турецкая элита не поднимала вопрос об институциональных механизмах урегулирования курдского вопроса и обеспечении доступа курдов как единого сегмента к процессу принятия решения. Институциональные трансформации в Турции - переход от парламентской системы к премьер-президентской и далее к президентской - были направлены на поддержание национализаторской стратегии управления разнородностью. Автор изучает возможности применимости сообщественных и центростремительных институциональных установок для турецкого случая. По мнению автора, использованию сообщественных механизмов препятствуют доминирование турецкого сегмента, непризнание курдского и отсутствие единства среди курдов. Автор приходит к выводу, что президентская система представляет институциональные условия для воплощения центростремительной модели. В настоящее время Партия справедливости и развития является единственной партией, которая может претендовать на роль умеренного центра. Автор предполагает, что решение по курдскому вопросу может быть принято в преддверии парламентских выборов 2023 г. Для победы на выборах ПСР и лично президенту Р. Эрдогану придется более четко обозначить курс на интеграцию турецких курдов одновременно с усилением безопасности границ.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>The article studies main theoretical approaches in the field of managing ethno-cultural diversity in divided societies - consociationalism and centripetalism. The presidential semi-presidential and parliamentary systems are analyzed through the lens of these two approaches. The article shows on the Turkish example that new states often apply nationalizing strategies of ethnic diversity management aimed at minority assimilation. This strategy in Turkey led to ethnicity politization, ethnic conflicts and ethnic terrorism. Turkish elites have never raised the issue of the Kurdish segment participation in the decision-making process as a separate recognized segment. Institutional transformations, i.e. from parliamentary to premier presidential and then to presidential systems were also aimed at maintaining the nationalizing strategies of ethnic conflict management. The article analyzes the prospects of application of consociational and centripetal institutional arrangements. The consociational mechanisms application are hindered by the dominance of the Turkish segment, nonrecognition of the Kurdish segment and disunity among the Kurds. The article concludes that the present presidential system sets structural conditions for centripetal model of conflict management. The Justice and development party is the only party which could become the moderate center for this model. The article concludes that the solution to the Kurdish question could be proposed before the next parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to win the elections in 2023 the party and president Recep Erdoğan will have to set the course for integration of Turkish kurds simultaneously with strengthening border security.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>президентская система</kwd><kwd>консоционализм</kwd><kwd>центрипетализм</kwd><kwd>Турция</kwd><kwd>курдский сегмент</kwd><kwd>национализаторская политика</kwd><kwd>presidentialism</kwd><kwd>consociationalism</kwd><kwd>centripetalism</kwd><kwd>Turkey</kwd><kwd>Kurdish segment</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Дружиловский С.Б. Влияние иракского кризиса на урегулирование курдской проблемы в Турецкой Республике // Курдский вопрос в Западной Азии в начале XXI века / под ред. О.И. Жигалиной. - М.: Институт Ближнего Востока РАН, 2006. - С. 141-152.</mixed-citation><mixed-citation xml:lang="en">Дружиловский С.Б. 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