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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2022.02.10</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-753</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ПЕРВАЯ СТЕПЕНЬ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Влияние коалиций давления на оборонную политику в России: случай реформы Сердюкова</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>The role of advocacy coalitions in Russia’s defense policies: the case of Serdyukov reform</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Шамиев</surname><given-names>К. В.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Shamiev</surname><given-names>K.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Шамиев Кирилл Вячеславович, младший научный сотрудник Центра сравнительных исследований власти и управления; PhD candidate</p><p>Санкт-Петербург</p><p>Вена, Австрия</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Shamiev Kirill, HSE University</p><p>St. Petersburg</p><p>Vienna, Austria</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">kshamiev@hse.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru"><institution>Национальный исследовательский университет «Высшая школа экономики»; Центрально-европейский университет</institution><country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en"><institution>HSE University; Central European University</institution><country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2022</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>13</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Политика в трудные времена: вызовы и ответы</issue-title><fpage>206</fpage><lpage>229</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Шамиев К.В., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Шамиев К.В.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Shamiev K.</copyright-holder><license xml:lang="ru" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>Данная работа распространяется под лицензией Creative Commons Attribution 4.0.</license-p></license><license xml:lang="en" license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/753">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/753</self-uri><abstract><p>В 2007-2012 гг. российские вооруженные силы прошли через беспрецедентные изменения, которые затронули все элементы военной организации. Несмотря на политическую и финансовую поддержку со стороны президента и премьер-министра, реформаторам не удалось достигнуть всех целей реформ, а часть изменений была замедлена или отменена. Используя данные 18 экспертных интервью, проведенных с учеными, журналистами и бывшими высокопоставленными военными, опираясь на концепцию коалиций давления, исследование показывает что Министерство обороны не смогло реализовать некоторые изменения из-за противостояния министру внутри военной и президентской коалиций гражданско-военных отношений. Межведомственное сопротивление вынудило Министерство обороны отказаться от некоторых изменений, а часть других была отменена уже после отставки министра Сердюкова. Статья демонстрирует стратегии, которые использовали реформаторы, чтобы реализовать свои цели и преодолеть сопротивление мобилизованных противников реформы. Сопротивление в итоге привело к отставке министра обороны, что остановило дальнейшие радикальные изменения в российских вооруженных силах. Полученные результаты показывают, что даже полная политическая поддержка со стороны авторитарного лидера не может спасти политиков и их программы от влияния других акторов. Недовольство изменениями вызывает раскол в президентской коалиции и ослабляет межведомственное взаимодействие, что ослабляет управленческие позиции реформатора. Более того, изучаемый случай показал, что в гражданско-военных отношениях большую роль играет не только фактическая составляющая реформы, но и соответствие поведения реформатора доминирующим убеждениям военнослужащих.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Between 2007 and 2012, the Russian armed forces went through unprecedented changes that affected all elements of the military organization. Despite political and financial support from the president and prime minister, the reformers could not meet all reform goals, and some changes were slowed down or backpaddled. The research uses data from 18 expert interviews, online media materials and employs the advocacy coalition framework to show that the Ministry of Defense has been unable to implement some changes because of the opposition within the military and presidential coalitions of civil-military relations. Interagency resistance forced the Ministry of Defense to abandon some of the changes. Some others were canceled after Minister Serdyukov’s ouster. This article demonstrates the strategies that the reformers used to pursue their goals and overcome the resistance from the reform opponents. The resistance eventually led to the defence minister's resignation, which halted further radical changes in the Russian armed forces. The results show that even the full political support from an authoritarian leader cannot save politicians and their programs from the influence of other actors. Dissatisfaction with the changes split the presidential coalition. It also damaged the interagency interaction, which ultimately weakened the managerial position of the reformer. Moreover, this case study showed that in civil-military relations, the conformity of the reformer’s behavior with the dominant military beliefs plays a major role alongside the factual component of reform.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>оборонная политика</kwd><kwd>гражданско-военные отношения</kwd><kwd>реформа армии</kwd><kwd>Медведев</kwd><kwd>политические курсы</kwd><kwd>коалиции давления</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>defense policy</kwd><kwd>civil-military relations</kwd><kwd>military reform</kwd><kwd>Medvedev</kwd><kwd>policymaking</kwd><kwd>advocacy coalitions</kwd></kwd-group><funding-group><funding-statement xml:lang="ru">Исследование осуществлено в рамках Программы фундаментальных исследований НИУ ВШЭ в 2021 г.</funding-statement></funding-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Arbatov A.G. 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