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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2022.03.11</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-769</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>РАКУРСЫ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Кризис как потребность: встроенные парадоксы российского официального дискурса</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Crisis as a need: embedded paradoxes of Russian official discourse</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Телин</surname><given-names>К. О.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Telin</surname><given-names>K. О.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Телин Кирилл Олегович, доцент кафедры государственной политики факультета политологии</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">kirill.telin@gmail.com</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный университет имени М.В. Ломоносова<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Lomonosov Moscow State University<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2022</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>14</day><month>05</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>3</issue><issue-title>Публичная политика</issue-title><fpage>232</fpage><lpage>255</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Телин К.О., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Телин К.О.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Telin K.О.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/769">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/769</self-uri><abstract><p>Данная статья посвящена проблеме использования в российском официальном дискурсе двух лексем, имеющих большое значение для формирования у российских граждан определенного отношения к органам государственной власти и даже к российской власти как таковой. Это лексемы «кризис» и «стабильность», регулярно употребляющиеся в пределах официального дискурса; за прошедшие десятилетия обращения к ним обе лексемы так и не обрели четкого содержания, но положили начало продолжающемуся воспроизводству специальных речевых актов (speech acts). Репрезентация «кризиса» и «стабильности» в таких речевых актах (определяемых в статье, в соответствии с классификацией Дж. Сёрла, как «репрезентативы», «комиссивы» и «экспрессивы») позволяет без уточнения смысла самих лексем манипулировать общественным мнением и поддерживать желаемый образ власти. По мнению автора, сохраняющееся обращение официального дискурса к лексемам «кризиса» и «стабильности», несмотря на накопившиеся противоречия и даже откровенные анекдоты в плане разнонаправленных высказываний одного и того же оратора, позволяет, с одной стороны, объяснять провалы государственной политики внешними обстоятельствами (описываемыми «кризисными» речевыми актами), а с другой - продолжать курс на деполитизацию российского общества, связанный с тем, что граждане страны ассоциируют «стабильность» с «порядком», «покоем» и отсутствием изменений. Таким образом, «стабильность», представляемая как важнейшее достижение существующей власти, превращается в своеобразный призыв к гражданам не препятствовать воспроизводству текущего политического режима и предпочитать его демократическим лозунгам оппозиционных деятелей.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>Current paper is devoted to the problem of using two lexemes within the Russian official discourse, which have a great importance for the formation of a certain Russian people's attitude towards government bodies and even the Russian «authority» as it is. These are the lexemes of «crisis» and «stability» that are regularly used within official discourse; over the past decades, this appeals did not acquire a clear content, but laid the foundation for the continuing reproduction of special official speech acts. The representation of «crisis» and «stability» in these speech acts (defined in the article, in accordance with J. Searle's classification as «representative», «commissive” and “expressive») allows public opinion manipulating without specifying the meaning of the lexemes themselves, but with maintaining the desired image of power. Up to the author's mind, the continuing appeal of the official discourse to the lexemes of «crisis» and «stability», despite the accumulated contradictions and even frank anecdotes (in terms of completely different statements of the same speaker), allows, on the one hand, to explain the failures of public policy by external circumstances (described with «crisis» speech acts), and on the other hand, continue the course of depoliticizing Russian society, associated with the fact that the Russian people associate «stability» with «order», «quiet» and the absence of changes. Thus, «stability», presented as the most important achievement of the existing government, turns into appeal of non-interference to the reproduction of the existing political regime and preferring it to the democratic slogans of opposition figures.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>стабильность</kwd><kwd>кризис</kwd><kwd>дискурс</kwd><kwd>российская политика</kwd><kwd>государственное управление</kwd><kwd>теория речевых актов</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>stability</kwd><kwd>crisis</kwd><kwd>discourse</kwd><kwd>Russian politics</kwd><kwd>public administration</kwd><kwd>speech acts theory</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Akhremenko A. Dynamics aproach to mathematical modelling of political stability. Polis. Political studies. 2009, N 3, P. 105-112 (In Russ.). 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