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<article article-type="research-article" dtd-version="1.3" xmlns:mml="http://www.w3.org/1998/Math/MathML" xmlns:xlink="http://www.w3.org/1999/xlink" xmlns:xsi="http://www.w3.org/2001/XMLSchema-instance" xml:lang="ru"><front><journal-meta><journal-id journal-id-type="publisher-id">politscience</journal-id><journal-title-group><journal-title xml:lang="ru">Политическая наука</journal-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>Political science</trans-title></trans-title-group></journal-title-group><issn pub-type="ppub">1998-1775</issn><publisher><publisher-name>ИНИОН РАН</publisher-name></publisher></journal-meta><article-meta><article-id pub-id-type="doi">10.31249/poln/2023.02.14</article-id><article-id custom-type="elpub" pub-id-type="custom">politscience-931</article-id><article-categories><subj-group subj-group-type="heading"><subject>Research Article</subject></subj-group><subj-group subj-group-type="section-heading" xml:lang="ru"><subject>ПЕРВАЯ СТЕПЕНЬ</subject></subj-group></article-categories><title-group><article-title>Место антипамяти: нарратив о Сребренице в структуре онтологической безопасности Республики Сербской</article-title><trans-title-group xml:lang="en"><trans-title>«Anti-memory space»: Srebrenica narrative in the structure of ontological security of the Republika Srpska</trans-title></trans-title-group></title-group><contrib-group><contrib contrib-type="author" corresp="yes"><name-alternatives><name name-style="eastern" xml:lang="ru"><surname>Растегаев</surname><given-names>Д. О.</given-names></name><name name-style="western" xml:lang="en"><surname>Rastegaev</surname><given-names>D. O.</given-names></name></name-alternatives><bio xml:lang="ru"><p>Даниил Олегович Растегаев, студент магистратуры, лаборант</p><p>факультет мировой политики</p><p>Отдел политической науки</p><p>Москва</p></bio><bio xml:lang="en"><p>Daniil Rastegaev</p><p>Moscow</p></bio><email xlink:type="simple">rastegaev.2000@mail.ru</email><xref ref-type="aff" rid="aff-1"/></contrib></contrib-group><aff-alternatives id="aff-1"><aff xml:lang="ru">Московский государственный университет им. М. В. Ломоносова; Институт научной информации по общественным наукам (ИНИОН) РАН<country>Россия</country></aff><aff xml:lang="en">Lomonosov Moscow State University; INION<country>Russian Federation</country></aff></aff-alternatives><pub-date pub-type="collection"><year>2023</year></pub-date><pub-date pub-type="epub"><day>06</day><month>06</month><year>2023</year></pub-date><volume>0</volume><issue>2</issue><issue-title>Идентичность, ценности и их влияние на политические процессы</issue-title><fpage>315</fpage><lpage>337</lpage><permissions><copyright-statement>Copyright &amp;#x00A9; Растегаев Д.О., 2023</copyright-statement><copyright-year>2023</copyright-year><copyright-holder xml:lang="ru">Растегаев Д.О.</copyright-holder><copyright-holder xml:lang="en">Rastegaev D.O.</copyright-holder><license license-type="creative-commons-attribution" xlink:href="https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/" xlink:type="simple"><license-p>This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 License.</license-p></license></permissions><self-uri xlink:href="https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/931">https://www.politnauka.ru/jour/article/view/931</self-uri><abstract><p>   В настоящей статье предпринята попытка проследить «археологию» дискурса о «геноциде в Сребренице», а также дана оценка степени значимости памяти о Сребренице в «биографии» Республики Сербской (и Сербии). «Западный» вариант рассмотрения событий в Сребренице  содержит определение «геноцид», окончательно оформившееся в приговорах и вердиктах Международного трибунала по бывшей Югославии (МТБЮ), а также оценку количества жертв военного преступления – 8 тыс. человек. Дискурс о «геноциде в Сребренице» стал также политическим рычагом Европейского Союза на пути к принятию в свои ряды стран Западных Балкан. Несмотря на это, «западный» взгляд на трагедию в Сребренице в настоящее время активно и целенаправленно отрицается в Республике Сербской (и Сербии). Нами сделан вывод о том, что Баня-Лука (и Белград) проводят политику представления Сребреницы в качестве «места антипамяти»: контрнарратив (оспаривающий «западную» точку зрения) стал полноценным объектом секьюритизации, а идея об «отрицании геноцида» – объектом онтологической безопасности Республики Сербской и Сербии. В статье приведены причины, объясняющие переход к подобному типу «политики памяти», а также сделан вывод о масштабах конфликтности, скрывающейся в возможной «дилемме мнемонической безопасности» вокруг дискурса о Сребренице. Усилиями элит Республики Сербской (в особенности М. Додика) и Сербии события 1995 г. в Сребренице оказались вписанными в нарратив о «виктимности» сербов: память о военных преступлениях, совершенных сербами, замещается артикуляцией эпизодов, связанных с военными преступлениями, совершенными против сербов. При этом сюжет о Сребренице также выступает в качестве политического рычага Баня-Луки на пути к достижению большей степени независимости от Сараева.</p></abstract><trans-abstract xml:lang="en"><p>   This article attempts to trace the «archaeology» of the discourse on «genocide in Srebrenica» and to assess the significance of the memory of Srebrenica in the «biography» of Republika Srpska (and Serbia). The «Western» vision of the Srebrenica events deals with the definition of «genocide», which was finalized in the verdicts of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), as well as an estimate of the number of victims of the war crime – 8,000 people. The discourse on the «genocide in Srebrenica» also became a political lever for the European Union to embrace the countries of the Western Balkans. Despite this, the «Western» view of the Srebrenica tragedy is now actively and purposefully denied in Republika Srpska (and Serbia). We conclude that Banja Luka (and Belgrade) have pursued a policy of presenting Srebrenica as an «anti-memory space»: the counternarrative (challenging the «Western» perspective) has become a full-fledged object of securitization, and the idea of «genocide denial» has become an object of ontological security for Republika Srpska and Serbia. The article provides reasons explaining the transition to this type of «memory politics» and concludes about the scale of conflict lurking in a possible «mnemonic security dilemma» around the discourse on Srebrenica. Through the efforts of the elites of Republika Srpska and Serbia (and personally M. Dodik), the events of 1995 in Srebrenica were incorporated into the narrative of Serb «victimhood»: the memory of war crimes committed by Serbs is replaced by the articulation of episodes related to war crimes committed against Serbs. At the same time, the narrative of Srebrenica is also articulated as a political lever for Banja Luka to achieve a greater degree of independence from Sarajevo.</p></trans-abstract><kwd-group xml:lang="ru"><kwd>онтологическая безопасность</kwd><kwd>секьюритизация</kwd><kwd>Сребреница</kwd><kwd>геноцид</kwd><kwd>Республика Сербская</kwd><kwd>Сербия</kwd><kwd>ЕС</kwd></kwd-group><kwd-group xml:lang="en"><kwd>ontological security</kwd><kwd>securitization</kwd><kwd>Srebrenica</kwd><kwd>genocide</kwd><kwd>Republika Srpska</kwd><kwd>Serbia</kwd><kwd>EU</kwd></kwd-group></article-meta></front><back><ref-list><title>References</title><ref id="cit1"><label>1</label><citation-alternatives><mixed-citation xml:lang="ru">Севастьянова Я. В. 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