The article examines the main areas of contemporary research in the field of institutional organization of divided societies. It highlights the directions of discussion on the topic and indicates the problems embedded in a number of theoretical and empirical models, as well as explains the key terms. It is stated that at present different scientific concepts such as power sharing, integrative power sharing, power dividing etc. acquire new dimensions.

The article analyzes the state of the research of civil wars, ethnic wars, the conditions and institutional and contextual factors which increase the risk of beginning and resuming wars, the relationship between political regime types and civil and ethnic war risks. Special attention is given to the post-conflict institutional regulation of divided societies. The article concludes that despite the statistical significance of various variables, the quantitative models can not reveal the cause-and-effect relationships without taking into account the political will of actors acting within different institutional contexts.

The article analyzes the problems of fragmented Saudi society in the context of its historic evolution from the beginning of the state formation. The main attention is paid to the issues of interaction between political elite and different sectors of society, first of all, the adepts of different Islamic schools outside the dominating Wahhabi version of Hanbali school. In this regard the author analyzes state policy directed to build elements of representative power, as well as other political institutions. He considers the possibility of national oriented society as a perspective of the future.

The article analyses the history of Shiite community in Bahrain, specificity of its socio-economic situation and participation in political process during different periods of country’s history including that of mass popular protests in 2011. The main attention was paid to the state policy towards Shiite segment of Bahraini society in the period of protectorate as well as after the declaration of independence. According to the author, this policy will not ensure consensus and ease the polarization of Bahraini society along sectarian lines in the nearest perspective.

The article aims to examine the Soviet nationalities policy as a complex phenomenon with its definite logic and content. Authors identify several main cycles of national policy and apply the «pendulum» concept to reveal its «hard» and «soft» waves. This argument is tested using the data of the official Soviet statistics in three dimensions: republic’s administrative status, cadre policy and cultural-linguistic policy. The findings reveal the interrelation between the change of the policy direction and the shift in the focus of the nationalities policy. The study contributes to better understanding of the reasons of political mobilization along ethnic lines in the USSR in the 1980-1990 s.

The article analyses the origins, nature, and main participants of the «Basque problem» - the Basque Country radical nationalists and moderates’ confrontation with the Spanish government about the country’s political and territorial structure. The focus is on the state of affairs in the Basque Country after the termination of ETA’s militant activity. It is stated that though the Basque problem has lost its terroristic component, it still separates both the Basque and the Spanish societies.

This article analyses the possibility to apply the institutional model to harmonize the interests of different social groups and to construct a nation-state in Bolivia. By studying the country’s historical development, relationships between its western and eastern parts and the politics of Evo Morales, who was the first president to recognize the need to resolve the ethnic conflict, the author draws the conclusion about the prospects and limitations of the institutionalist model of solving ethno-social conflicts in fragmented societies in general, and in Bolivia in particular.

The article examines the «Ferghana factor» impact on the consolidation of political and socio-cultural borders in Kyrgyzstan, the only post-Soviet country that has experienced two forceful changes of power and a significant outflow of inter-ethnic clashes. It is stated that after the revolution of 2010 the ruling elites have embarked on strengthening the formal political institutions and development of legal competition. In this regard the author analyzes the outcome of institutional reforms and their influence on national- and state-building.

The article analyzes the dominant party’s role in ethnic conflict management in Malaysia. Guided by the theory of dominant party regime formation in conditions of high social heterogeneity, the author examines the case of ethnic fragmentation and single-party dominance in Malaysia. The article shows that the creation of a broad coalition with the participation of political parties of ethnic minorities and the inclusion of their representatives in the government meets the political and economic interests of the latter, ensuring their loyalty to the regime. The analysis focuses on the characteristics of the party system and coalition politics, including the relations between government and opposition.