The article analyses political decisions about commemoration of the centenary of the Revolution of 1917 in Russia. On the basis of the official documents, statements of the politicians and publications in media the author reveals the process of re-interpretations of the Revolution of 1917 in the Russian official historical narrative. This event is crucially important for development of the post-Soviet historical narrative as far as it had once played a role of «the foundational myth» of the Soviet regime.

The article considers issues of social and political transformations in our country in the late 1980 s - early 2000 s. It analyzes the historical forks in the road that determined the catastrophe of the Soviet state and the establishment of neopatrimonialism in post-Soviet Russia. Political transformation of 1990-2000 is interpreted as a negotiation of the critical phase of post-Soviet development and the onset of a historically long stage characterized by a relative balance between hierarchy and networks, formal and informal institutions, agency and structure.

The article is devoted to factors analysis of the establishment of the presidency institute in the USSR Union republics and formation of this institution in the newly independent states, in particular, the role of late-Soviet institutional heritage in shaping of new political institutions is being examined. Based on the analysis of the form of government index and the competitiveness index, basic presidency models are defined and their classification is offered. It is noted that there is no significant correlation between the mode of regime change, the rise of the opposition to power and the institutional power of the president. The most significant factors having determined the formation of presidency institution in the late-Soviet period were the degree of political conflicts intensity (intra-elite divisions), territorial cleavages and structural cleavages. The parliamentary-presidential model in the form in which it was originally implemented in the Union republics, became effective nowhere.

The article reveals the main content of ethnic nationalism as a paradigm, ideology and politics. The role of Soviet ethnic politics in the formation of ethno-nationalist discourse in modern Russia is revealed. The ways of overcoming the ethnic nationalism as an institutional factor determining the nature of ethnic politics and interethnic relations are defined.

The article is devoted to the problem of development of the ideology legitimizing the legal and administrative practice in Russian Federation that the author qualifies as ‘counter-reform’. Last years the government increased its grip on the media, changed the electoral and party legislation and ensured the monopoly power of the ruling group. Its main idea is so-cold new conservatism. The article explains the essence of the new Russian conservatism and compares it with the classical European and American conservatism, doctrines of Burke and Tocqueville. The author argues that this ideology is rather a sort of nationalism, that is adopted for the tasks of maintenance the personalist regime. The subject of the investigation is also the stages of the formation of this ideological base - the way from the idea of a so called sovereign democracy to the real autocratic rule. The author investigates the connection between this new conservatism and the soviet ideological tradition. The new conservatism contains some elements of this tradition.

The article is devoted to the review of the practice of celebrating the demonstrations held in Russia of the 1^th of May. The author shows how the May Day demonstrations are used by various political actors in the context of the transformation of the political regime from the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union to the present. The political changes that took place in the society in the early 1990s showed that the May Day demonstrations can be used not only as a instrument of mobilization and propaganda. In the 1990s the May Day demonstrations were an effective instrument of influence on the authorities. However in the 2000s the holiday began to resemble a political performance used by the Trade Union Federation, which in fact became a «manual» organization of the party «United Russia».

The article analyzes the relationship between soviet society and the soviet state. The author seeks to understand what kind of societal structure was standing behind the soviet state; when and how it was formed, how it cooperated with the elite and soviet political institutions, how it influenced the decision making process of the time. Political identity of the Russian society is yet to form, at present there is no consensus in Russian society about what the Russian state should be like; how and in what direction it needs to develop. Analyzing the evolution of state-society relationship in the USSR might help solve current identity crisis in Russia.

The article examines nation-building in Ukraine and Belarus after the USSR collapse. These cases are chosen for the research due to significant similarities between their historic development: both offered state systems alternative to the Moscow State and the Russian Empire, observed significant influence of linguistic and ethnic issues (Russian and Russians) over political process, shaped their territorial boundaries while being part of the Soviet Union. At the same time, it is their divergent development after 1991 (Ukraine rejects Soviet legacy while Belarus observes public demand for re-Sovietization) that allows exploring the phenomenon of preserving / dismantling Soviet institutions and political practices in post-Soviet states. The author examines Soviet legacy based on seven parameters: language status, official declaration of institutional continuity, state symbols, monuments and architecture, textbooks on history of the 20 century, modern political regime, and mass consciousness.

The year of 1991 marked the divergence of post-Soviet states’ development. In many respects, the trajectories of this development were determined by their ability to support a functional state apparatus and, accordingly, to implement reforms. One of the key factors in this case was the creation and sustaining the functioning of extractive institutions: and above all the tax system. This article examines the inheritance and influence of soviet tax institutions and practices on Moldova.