This article provides an analytical review of Russian and international media studies devoted to transformations of Russia’s media system under the influence of digitalization. The aim is to systematize scholarly views on the dynamics of the Russian media system in the context of the technological revolution, to link stages of global ICT transformations with the trajectory of national development, and to propose a periodization of changes from the 1980s to the present. The theoretical framework draws on interdisciplinary approaches to understanding media (information / network / digital society, mediatization, technological determinism, and platform studies), as well as the concept of the media system, which elucidates the relationship between media and political, economic, and institutional contexts. The author emphasizes the “dual nature” of media system dynamics–the interaction of technological and socio-political factors–manifested in changes in media economics, professional practices, regulatory frameworks, and media consumption.

A key result is the reconstruction of the stages of the “reassembly” of the Russian media system in the context of global digitalization (1985–1991; 1991–1999; 2000–2009; 2010–2015; 2015–2020; 2020s–present), as well as a comparison of the “architecture” of the media system in the 20th and 21st centuries. The paper shows that the transition from an analog to a digital environment is accompanied by the growth of multichannel media and digital inequality, audience fragmentation and the individualization of media consumption, the blurring of boundaries of professional journalism, the increasing role of platforms, and the emergence of new actors in content production and distribution (bloggers, SMM specialists, podcast creators, etc.).

The conclusion outlines key theoretical challenges: the acceleration and growing complexity of media dynamics; the need to rethink the question of preserving / changing the essence of media (the logic of mediamorphosis / mediametamorphosis); and the need to develop conceptual tools and interdisciplinary explanatory models for analyzing today’s media environment.

This study aims to identify the factors shaping citizens’ perceptions of the credibility of social media in comparison with traditional mass media. Drawing on data from two online surveys conducted within the Values in Crisis Project, the article offers a comprehensive analysis of the socio-demographic, behavioral, value-based, and ideological characteristics that influence respondents’ trust in different types of media sources. The findings indicate that value- and worldview-related orientations play a central role in shaping trust in both digital and traditional channels, whereas demographic variables possess limited explanatory power. Individuals who are more religious and left-leaning tend to exhibit greater trust in traditional media, while postmaterialists, right-leaning groups, and respondents with higher levels of interpersonal trust are more inclined to perceive social networks as a more credible source of information. A notable and unexpected contribution to the analytical model is the steady increase in trust toward social media among older age cohorts, suggesting ongoing digital adaptation and the accumulation of positive experiences with online platforms. The study’s scholarly contribution lies in the integration of religiosity, political orientation, postmaterialist values, and interpersonal trust into a unified model for explaining media trust. The results indicate that perceptions of media credibility emerge at the intersection of cultural identities and value orientations rather than being determined solely by social status or levels of digital competence. These findings may inform the development of media communication strategies and support further research on the mechanisms underlying trust in information sources.

The article analyzes the representation of Russia’s image at a multimedia exhibition prepared by the National Centre RUSSIA in 2025 as the “legacy” of The International RUSSIA EXPO exhibition and forum at VDNKh (2023–2024). Being more compact, the new project presents regional characteristics in the format of a journey across federal districts. The authors examine the extent to which this scale is suitable for representing the complex composite image of the country, which aspects of regional diversity come to the fore, and which remain undisclosed.

The study relies on the methodology of multimodal analysis adapted for examining multimedia exhibitions. Data was collected through observation during five visits to the exhibition from April to November 2025. In data analysis, thematic coding was supplemented by descriptions of communicative resources presenting specific informational content and documentations of how it was reflected in guided tours. The focus of the study was on ways of representing 1) the uniqueness of a federal district as a complex composite place, 2) the communities constituting it / people inhabiting it, and 3) the highlighted traditional values.

The research uncovered substantial differences in the information content describing federal districts in terms of thematic richness, representativeness, and number of geographical details. This result can be explained both by the scarcity of repertoire of geographical images associated with federal districts and by the peculiarities of the exhibition’s concept. Combining a thematic approach with a territorial one, the exhibition focuses on forming the image of the country as a whole rather than as a collection of unique places.

The article presents the results of a study designed to demonstrate how the traditional values entered the media landscape between 2012 and 2025, using federal newspapers as a case study. Traditional values are examined in the study as an ideologeme, a special type of multi-layered concept used to establish a new paradigm of social values in the public consciousness. Drawing on theories of the symbolic use of politics and politics as symbolic action, and employing content analysis, we identified a range of issues raised in newspaper publications in which the ideologeme acquired particular significance, as well as a list of actors using it in their arguments. The analysis revealed that by setting the tone of public debate, representatives of the ruling elite determine the media agenda. The main topics became the ideological and political interpretation of domestic events, culture and education. Traditional values have become a universal pretext and a convenient tool for a wide variety of legislative initiatives and public speeches. As a result, values have transformed from an abstract construct into practical political decisions impacting millions of citizens. This is confirmed by the increasing number of publications in federal media outlets, which are becoming the subject of discussions of education, cultural policy, international relations, medicine. For different purposes, traditional values is used by representatives of the Russian Orthodox Church, the cultural community, members of political parties, representatives of the scientific community, and experts – those who claim their own understanding of traditional values and their interpretation in the current political realities.

The article examines communication and imitation practices employed by heads of Russian regions in the context of permanent crises during 2020– 2025, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the special military operation, and various emergency situations. The study focuses on the transformation of regional governance under conditions of heightened uncertainty, political mediatization, and promoting public communication as a tool for stabilizing public sentiment. Based on a qualitative case analysis of public statements, social media activity, and managerial decisions of regional leaders, the article identifies key levels of crisis communication (strategic, tactical, and operational) and explores mechanisms for constructing the perception of governability through personalized leadership, imitation of “manual control,” and symbolic-emotional engagement. The findings demonstrate that communication technologies used by regional elites are increasingly aimed not at addressing the structural causes of crises, but at managing their public perception, reducing social anxiety, and channeling collective stress. Particular attention is paid to the role of digital media environments and Regional Management Centers as instruments for institutionalizing communicative control. The article concludes that a specific communicative model of regional governance is emerging in contemporary Russia, in which crisis functions not only as a managerial challenge but also as a resource for political legitimation.

The article presents the results of a content analysis of VKontakte communities and Telegram channels (N = 1,134) targeting Russia’s “digital youth” (ages 14–22), which identified politically relevant narratives, as well as findings from their discussion in focused group interviews (N = 4; Moscow and Rostov-on-Don; university students and college students; ages 17–21). The empirical part of the study has a three-stage design: in 2022 (June 22–26), content and narrative analysis of social media publications were conducted; in 2023 (October 25–November 10), focus groups were held with the participation of students and college students; in 2024 (over the course of a year), a discourse analysis of focus group discussions was conducted. In the focus groups, respondents were asked to discuss two narratives: (1) state sovereignty and Russia’s strength; (2) the depiction of the external environment as a threat. Overall, the focus groups confirmed relatively stable value- and worldview-related orientations among representatives of “digital youth,” while also revealing a sharply negative response to straightforward, propagandistic modes of presenting information. Discussion of the two media representations examined in the focus groups shown that even when the thematic core is broadly recognizable (patriotism, sanctions), audiences react differently to the directive nature of the formulations. For some young people, the “poster-like” and “official” tone of the rhetoric becomes a source of rejection and triggers a boomerang effect; for others, the value-laden orientation of the message remains attractive even when its factual linkage to the presented material is weak.

Overall, the study finds that young audiences place a high value on “honest” content that allows for complexity and ambiguity, and they are critical of blunt propagandistic framing, especially when it is not supported by verifiable arguments and source references. The findings support the conclusion that the effectiveness of political metanarratives in social media is multi-subject and context-dependent: the same interpretive frame can simultaneously consolidate one segment of the audience while increasing the distancing of another. The practical significance of the study lies in clarification of the mechanisms through which political ideology is “translated” into the language of social-platform media texts, as well as in discussing the factors that shape the acceptance or rejection of political messages across different segments of “digital youth.”

The article is devoted to the issue of identifying the main discourses in social media that reflect the political expectations of Russian youth. In the context of the increasing importance of social networks in communications and socialization of young people, media content and information presentation formats provide researchers with the opportunity to study minimally censored material. The relevance of the research is related to the fact that the political consciousness of Russian youth today is characterized by extreme heterogeneity, variability of value-semantic constructs, turbulence of political sentiments and is in the stage of active political and psychological transformation. The purpose of the study is to identify and interpret the socio-media discourses of youth communities, reflecting short- and medium-term expectations in the political sphere.

The authors examined Russian-language Telegram channels to study social media discourses. The Telegram messenger was chosen due to the fact that it is the most popular and widespread communication space for political activity among Russian youth. During the study of the Telegram publications array, the authors used the method of discourse analysis by E. Laclos – S. Mouff. As a result of the research, the authors identified and detailed five key discourses reflecting the political expectations of young people in modern Russia. It was revealed that these discourses are characterized by a high level of semantic fragmentation, amorphousness and weak psycho-emotional polarization. The authors concluded that the dominant position in a wide conglomerate of diverse social media discourses targeted to young audience is occupied by the demand for socio-political predictability and normalization of the foreign policy situation around Russia.

The article defines populism within the framework of the emotional approach as a combination of anger towards the “corrupt elites” and fear for the “pure people”. Populists appeal to fear by constructing threats and dangers to the people, including those related to economic well-being and security. In turn, anger objectifies blame for the perceived threats by accusing the elites and shifting the responsibility towards them for policy failures. Using the 2024 presidential election as a case study, the article identifies the role of affective factors in electoral behavior in the United States. It attempts to determine whether a populist equilibrium exists between the emotional “supply” offered by the populist leader Donald Trump and the emotional “demand” of the electorate. Using quantitative analysis of public opinion survey data (ANES), the authors test and confirm the hypotheses regarding the connection between respondents’ emotions (namely fear and anger) toward how well things are going on in the country and their decision to support a particular candidate (either Trump or Harris) in the election. This correlation remained statistically significant after a number of control variables and their combinations were included.

A quantitative content analysis of emotions in eight rally speeches delivered by Trump in swing states reveals that the rhetoric of anger dominated over the rhetoric of fear and was accompanied by praise of past achievements and promises of future accomplishments. Critical discourse analysis identified Trump’s discursive strategies eliciting fear, anger, and hope for a better future. The article demonstrates that Trump’s rhetoric appealed to the core sentiments of his potential electorate, intensifying feelings of fear and anger among the audience. References to past achievements generated admiration and reinforced trust in the candidate’s future policies. Based on the analysis, it is concluded that the peculiar nature of populism within the conditions of contemporary electoral competitiveness lies in the political leader’s ability to leverage the emotional dimension of politics. By appealing to citizens’ feelings of fear and anger while fueling them with self-praise, populists are able to mobilize an angry and anxious protest electorate. 

Since the beginning of 2022, there have been many patterns in the development of Russia's foreign trade and investment relations, but the explanation of these new trends cannot be fully understood without additional political analysis. In particular, geopolitical factors are disrupting the traditional logic of relying on comparative advantages in foreign trade specialization. The rapid transformation of the current global order is also causing significant distortions in geographical trade and foreign investment priorities. Thus, Russia's pivot to the Global South has significantly weakened the effects of neighborhood and cultural-historical proximity (traditionally assessed in economic studies, for example, using gravitational models and characteristics of the so-called investment climate). The article provides the author's assessments of the contradictory statistics on Russia's foreign trade in recent years. By combining economic and political analysis, the article explains the rapid rise of India, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, Bangladesh, and Iran among Russia's partners. Special attention is given to the expansion of BRICS and the promotion of major infrastructure projects involving Russia. The article demonstrates that neither the prospects for nuclear power plant construction nor the development of international transport corridors can be studied without considering the capabilities of political science. The paper separately examines the sharp deterioration of Russia's relations with the “collective West” and the general trend towards increased polycentrism in global politics as factors that are stimulating Russia's economic pivot towards the Global South, i.e., the “pushing” factors are combined with the “pulling” factors. The paper highlights the long-term significance for Russia of its ties with important segments of the Global South, such as the Middle East (including Iran) and South Asia.

The article undertakes a conceptualization of the notion of visual political imagination within the context of contemporary political communication. Visual political artifacts are examined as a specific mode of representing political meanings, grounded in affective–emotional perception and the imagistic interpretation of the political. Political imagination is understood as a capacity for constructing and interpreting political meanings, mediated by aesthetic forms and individual perceptual experience, and embedded in the broader context of the visualisation of the political in a media-saturated environment.

Comics-culture is employed as an analytical case and is considered a significant segment of mass culture possessing a sustained potential for shaping perceptions of the political. It is demonstrated that the visual imagery of comics creates a distinctive space of interaction between authorial intention and audience interpretation, within which political meanings are not merely transmitted but also reinterpreted in accordance with the social, cultural, and emotional context of reception. The application of elements of intentional and contextual analysis makes it possible to identify the specific ways in which authorial design correlates with the viewer’s perception of the political, as well as to delineate points of convergence and divergence between these interpretative levels.

As a result, the article substantiates the heuristic value of the category of visual political imagination for the analysis of contemporary visual forms of political communication and outlines directions for further research into the mechanisms through which representations of the political are formed, transmitted, and interpreted within the domain of mass culture.

The study of revolutions has long been a topic of interest to sociologists and political scientists. However, only in recent years authors have begun to employ quantitative methods with greater regularity in their analysis of these events. In such studies, the dependent variable, namely revolutions or their characteristics, frequently represent a “rare event”. The most commonly used method, logistic regression, has been demonstrated by some authors to yield biased results when analysing such data. However, no unified standard for analysis has been established. Furthermore, authors frequently encounter additional challenges, including the analysis of panel data and the use of small sample sizes. The reliability of classical logistic regression in addressing these issues has yet to be evaluated, despite the fact that the majority of contemporary authors frequently encounter these challenges. The present study aimed to assess the bias of results produced by classical logistic regression when used in different research designs with rare events, specifically cross-sectional and panel data. Furthermore, we put forward an alternative approach, namely penalized logistic regression. In the case of cross-sectional data, the combination of a small sample size and a rare event leads to a significant bias in classical logistic regression.

This result shows that researchers face the challenge of obtaining not only an inaccurate estimate of the effect but also making a false judgement about the direction of the relationship. In contrast, penalized logistic regression produces almost unbiased estimates regardless of the rarity of the event or the size of the sample. In the context of panel data, the application of classical logistic regression is not viable in scenarios characterized by a limited sample size and infrequent events. In contrast, our findings suggest that penalized logistic regression is a viable alternative for analyzing panel data, whereas conditional logistic regression is currently the only option recommended in the professional literature.